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A New York Times Notable Book of the Year Isaiah Berlin's The Sense of Reality contains an important body of previously unknown work by one of our century's leading historians of ideas, and one of the finest essayists writing in English. Eight of the nine pieces included here are published for the first time, and their range is characteristically wide: the subjects explored A New York Times Notable Book of the Year Isaiah Berlin's The Sense of Reality contains an important body of previously unknown work by one of our century's leading historians of ideas, and one of the finest essayists writing in English. Eight of the nine pieces included here are published for the first time, and their range is characteristically wide: the subjects explored include realism in history; judgement in politics; the history of socialism; the nature and impact of Marxism; the radical cultural revolution instigated by the Romantics; Russian notions of artistic commitment; and the origins and practice of nationalism. The title essay, starting from the impossibility of historians being able to recreate a bygone epoch, is a superb centerpiece.


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A New York Times Notable Book of the Year Isaiah Berlin's The Sense of Reality contains an important body of previously unknown work by one of our century's leading historians of ideas, and one of the finest essayists writing in English. Eight of the nine pieces included here are published for the first time, and their range is characteristically wide: the subjects explored A New York Times Notable Book of the Year Isaiah Berlin's The Sense of Reality contains an important body of previously unknown work by one of our century's leading historians of ideas, and one of the finest essayists writing in English. Eight of the nine pieces included here are published for the first time, and their range is characteristically wide: the subjects explored include realism in history; judgement in politics; the history of socialism; the nature and impact of Marxism; the radical cultural revolution instigated by the Romantics; Russian notions of artistic commitment; and the origins and practice of nationalism. The title essay, starting from the impossibility of historians being able to recreate a bygone epoch, is a superb centerpiece.

30 review for The Sense of Reality: Studies in Ideas and Their History

  1. 4 out of 5

    Domenico Fina

    Se dei fantomatici ladri oscurantisti svuotassero le nostre librerie mi augurerei che ci lasciassero almeno Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997). È stato un grande storico delle idee, sebbene come definizione non renda l'idea. L'unico modo per capire l'importanza di Berlin è leggerlo. Procede con mobilissima, affascinante divagazione erudita che non tralascia niente, nessun aspetto del pensiero e dell'immaginazione, che si tratti di Machiavelli o di Vico, di Herzen o di Kant, di Tolstoj o di Hamann, dell'i Se dei fantomatici ladri oscurantisti svuotassero le nostre librerie mi augurerei che ci lasciassero almeno Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997). È stato un grande storico delle idee, sebbene come definizione non renda l'idea. L'unico modo per capire l'importanza di Berlin è leggerlo. Procede con mobilissima, affascinante divagazione erudita che non tralascia niente, nessun aspetto del pensiero e dell'immaginazione, che si tratti di Machiavelli o di Vico, di Herzen o di Kant, di Tolstoj o di Hamann, dell'impegno dell'artista nella Russia dell'Ottocentoo o della genesi del Nazionalismo, di Giuseppe Verdi o del dilemma liberale in Turgenev, Isaiah Berlin si oppone alla sragione e allo stesso tempo mostra le cose come sono con tutte le loro implicazioni. Suggerisco i volumi, "Il riccio e la volpe" in cui è contenuto lo straordinario saggio su Tolstoj e le sue ansie tragiche, "Controcorrente" in cui sono contenuti i saggi su Machiavelli, Vico, Montesquieu, Hume, Herzen (il pensatore più affine a Berlin), "Il legno storto dell'umanità", "Il senso della realtà". Tutti pubblicati da Adelphi, compresi i saggi più brevi come "Il mago del nord", una monografia su J.G. Hamann. Quando Berlin morì, nel 1997, in Inghilterra, sua patria adottiva, scrissero che era morto l'uomo più intelligente del mondo. La capacità di Berlin è quella di mostrare dove arriva la ragione e dove comincia la sragione e che se tutto è ed appare indistricabile dobbiamo saper comunque tenerci saldi, per fare ciò bisogna conoscere le proprie razionalità ed irrazionalità, con tale presupposto scrive di filosofi 'irrazionali' e 'razionali', da Hamann a Kant. Esempio. Un saggio su Kant contenuto in questo volume. A Berlin interessa mostrare come il massimo filosofo del razionalismo occidentale avesse una speciale interiorità, quella pietista, che lo portava ad affermare che anche trovandosi in prigione un uomo è pur sempre libero con la sua immaginazione e la sua autonomia di pensiero; questo pensiero condivisibile, di fiera umana indipendenza, venne frainteso ed esasperato da Fichte, che estese l'autonomia di pensiero identificandola con una patologica ed eccitata idea di nazione individuo, mescolando le sue astruserie con l'esaltazione della tradizione e della lingua mutuate da Herder. Il passo verso il nazionalismo è quiandi breve. Insomma cosa vuole dirci Berlin, che le idee non sono di sinistra, di centro, di destra, giuste, sbagliate, le idee sono nel mondo e il mondo siamo noi che presidiamo noi stessi e aggiustiamo costantemente le nostre idee, al meglio come faceva Berlin, alla meno peggio come facciamo noi.

  2. 5 out of 5

    Sally Morem

    I loved this book. When I read Berlin, I think. To give you an idea of my thoughts, let me post some notes I made about the last portion of the title essay, "The Sense of Reality" : Here, Berlin summarizes the European revolutionaries’ profound failure: (p. 29) “Something had been miscalculated, something had proved recalcitrant to the social arithmetic employed. The makers of the revolution found themselves, in each case, swept on by the forces which they had released in a direction which they h I loved this book. When I read Berlin, I think. To give you an idea of my thoughts, let me post some notes I made about the last portion of the title essay, "The Sense of Reality" : Here, Berlin summarizes the European revolutionaries’ profound failure: (p. 29) “Something had been miscalculated, something had proved recalcitrant to the social arithmetic employed. The makers of the revolution found themselves, in each case, swept on by the forces which they had released in a direction which they had scarcely anticipated. Some were destroyed by these forces, some attempted to control them but were plainly controlled by them, for all their efforts to dominate the elements.” How could such good intentions go so badly? Unintended consequences with a vengeance. Plans for any improvement, no matter how small, depend on understanding existing reality and the precise way the proposed change will affect that reality. We look back at those naïve revolutionaries and wince when we realize how little they really knew about the human material they were trying to mold to specification. Since there is manifestly too much information about any given society for any individual or small group to be able to master and direct effectively, we can reasonably assume that these revolutionaries erred by attempting to direct their efforts guided by only the most obvious facts about the people they were trying to lead. By ignoring the existence of the vast oceans of facts (as described above by Berlin) about social life that they had little or no access to, they guaranteed their own failure. They stir up the obvious parts of society, their targets for overthrow. In the meantime, the far more numerous and very potent not-so-obvious parts of society are also bestirred, unaccountably, unpredicted, unplanned, unguided. The revolution at this point goes off the rails, into new territory unmapped. The revolutionaries might not notice at first, but it’s only a matter of time before these unmapped regions forcibly impact those obvious ones, and events take an entirely new, and generally very violent turn. That’s when the revolutionaries start turning the screws, attempting to force the people into the revolutionary mold. And that’s when they start resisting even more. We can see this occur every time the revolutionaries decry “the forces of reaction” that are “sabotaging the revolution.” The revolution has dead-ended into social realities unexamined and unplanned for. At this point, the revolution, in the sense of becoming something genuinely new and improved, creating a social space where people can live more freely, it instead ceases and simply becomes a coup d’etat, a power struggle. The victors get the spoils. The losers die. (See notes on Hannah Arendt’s “On Revolution.”) He asks why conservatives generally hate revolution. Are they simply hidebound reactionaries, or do they know something important about the complexity of human relationships? We can see from the above his answer to that question. There is a sense that what politicians do, what they must do, is inherently different than what scientists and technologists do. A wise politician is called a statesman. He is the one who wields not only technical knowledge but human understanding as he seeks a good answer to current political problems. Conservatives have the sense of politics as the art of the genuinely possible, not the crafting of utopia. The statesman knows what can be done and what simply cannot. He can’t always fit this kind of knowledge into words. It’s more of a sense, a sense of people as individuals and how they operate in groups. The best of the statesmen’s work survives (at least in memory) even unto this day: Washington, Lincoln, Bismarck, Julius Caesar, Richelieu are compared to Hitler and Stalin very favorably (of course). But what did the former do that the latter couldn’t do or even conceive of? There is no one thing. There is no “secret” as it were. The best thing we can say is that the former knew their societies well and the latter didn’t. Berlin references Tolstoy’s epilogue to “War and Peace.” “…of the unaccountable infinitesimals of which individual and social life is composed…” A statesman has a strong sense of these in the form of unspoken tacit knowledge and understanding. Derived from close observation and long experience. This is why the best politicians simply cannot do their best work while young. They need years of experience under their belts before they can really understand what it is they do. They are able to “play it by ear,” to do something now and to just stand there later—or vice versa. There are few guidelines and no laws to follow while engaging in political improvisation. You must know your people and know what you want for them and know what can be done and what cannot. You must be eminently practical and have very little theory, at least not enough to mislead you. Traditionalist conservatives (surprisingly) make similar errors to those made by revolutionaries on the left. They assume that simplifying explanations of complex human realities exist. Things like tradition or religious faith or some form of organicism are assumed to tie people together alone. Berlin insists that human reality is far more complex than that which both revolutionaries and traditionalists take it to be. “There is no substitute for a sense of reality.” (p. 35) And, that sense of reality is utterly dependent upon our respect for the utterly inexhaustibly numerous particulars of human life. The problems with positivism in this regard—Hegel had it out with them in his time. Unfortunately, his argument wound up arguing against the scientific method for the natural sciences and for some mystical process by which a metaphysician could argue from the general to the particular and somehow wind up understanding any particular situation in all its particular richness. For example, the World Spirit. Hegel wound up with the worst of both worlds—no genuine science and no genuine philosophy. Positivists believed that all knowledge can be gained through the methods used in the natural sciences. Hayek made the same argument against the 19th century positivists in his “The Counter-Revolution of Science.” Check out on p. 195 how Hayek deals soundly with Comte and Hegel.] Both Hayek and Berlin argue that the utopianisms of the 19th and 20th centuries flowed directly from the early 19th century positivists. When we are being realistic, we dismiss such utopian dreams (described earlier in the essay) as by definition unrealizable. Berlin asks an important question here: What are we doing when we so dismiss such schemes? We are assuming certain “forces” will be too strong for the would-be revolutionaries, that they will be stopped, that they cannot succeed against them. What are these forces? Certainly they are not laws, as in the laws of physics. Here is Berlin’s answer (p. 37): “When we speak of some process as inevitable, when we warn people not to pit their wills against the greater power of the historical situation, which they cannot alter, or cannot alter in the manner they desire, what we mean is not that we know facts and laws which we obey, but that we do not; that we are aware, beyond the facts to which the potential reformers point, of a dark mass of factors whose general drift we perceive but whose precise interrelations we cannot formulate, and that any attempt to behave as if only the clear ‘top level’ factors were significant or crucial, ignoring the hinterland, will lead to frustration of the intended reforms, perhaps to unexpected disaster.” There is a simple way of putting this: One man cannot know what a million men know. TMI (too much information) is very, very real. Recognizing TMI and its impact on human life is exactly the same thing as having a good strong sense of reality in Berlin’s sense of the phrase. (p. 37) “…they take their knowledge of a small portion of the scene to cover the entire scene…” They sample from classes and groups they assume contain identical members. Or they construct computer models. Or they write treatises and manifestos. Or they call their dreams inevitable. They take the (very limited) array of facts they have mastered and simplify them further. They announce proudly that they are on ‘the right side of history.’ They name what they assume the forces of history are and assume they can control what they name. Berlin points out that historical ‘forces too great to be resisted’ simply means that almost all the things that millions of people say and do and know are in fact unknown to us and unknowable by us, and can’t be accounted for in any model of human society we may have occasion to construct. This ‘not knowing’ is the insurmountable obstacle to the utopian desire for smoothly incorporated revolutionary change. The fact of profound ignorance can’t be tamed, lectured to, weedled or pleaded out of, or commanded in any way. When we resist the blandishments of the Utopians, we resist their wholly unwarranted simplifications of reality. We resist what Berlin condemned as (p. 39) “…fanciful, pseudo-scientific histories and theories of human behavior, abstract and formal at the expense of the facts, and to revolutions and wars and ideological campaigns conducted on the basis of dogmatic certainty about their outcome--vast misconceptions which have cost the lives, liberty and happiness of a great many innocent human beings.”

  3. 4 out of 5

    Macoco G.M.

    Fantástico. Se trata de un libro que consta de varios ensayos sobre la historia y la historia de la historia. Me ha dado nuevas perspectivas

  4. 5 out of 5

    Eduardo Cornejo

    Un excelente libro para los interesados en la historia de las principales ideas filosóficas y cómo han impactado en la política y cultura principalmente de Europa. El Sentido de la Realidad es una colección de ensayos que atraviesa temáticas como la filosofía contrapuesta a la política, historia y desarrollo del socialismo, inicios y desarrollos del marxismo, el romanticismo, nacionalismo y liberalismo. Todos son minuciosos y en extremo informativos, y te permite conocer los principales autores y Un excelente libro para los interesados en la historia de las principales ideas filosóficas y cómo han impactado en la política y cultura principalmente de Europa. El Sentido de la Realidad es una colección de ensayos que atraviesa temáticas como la filosofía contrapuesta a la política, historia y desarrollo del socialismo, inicios y desarrollos del marxismo, el romanticismo, nacionalismo y liberalismo. Todos son minuciosos y en extremo informativos, y te permite conocer los principales autores y postulados de cada corriente, así como el efecto en sus contextos particulares. Todos estos ensayos cobran mayor relevancia en el contexto mundial actual, en el que el nacionalismo y la democracia se enfrentan, en la existencia de un fuerte deseo de reconocimiento por parte de las minorías o "el pueblo" frente a los ilustrados o a los "poderosos". También contribuye mucho a entender la naturaleza de movimientos como el liberalismo o el comunismo, y cómo se han ido desvirtuando las más de las veces. Berlin despliega su amplio conocimiento de autores y es muy preciso. Tiene gran capacidad de síntesis, lo que facilita mucho comprender el punto. Sin embargo, creo que no es un autor que se lea con facilidad. Une mucho contenido en un párrafo y tiende a extenderse con muchos ejemplos, lo que da como resultado párrafos eternos a veces de páginas enteras. Creo que este detallito hizo que se me dificultara terminarlo.

  5. 4 out of 5

    Hugh Ashton

    I don't know. Does this say more about me than the book? I haven't been able to finish this - it struck me as a set of pretentious truisms for the most part. Am I a Philistine or what? Well, I actually do have a degree in philosophy. Maybe I am a little too close to the subject to read about meta-philosophy (or the philosophy of philosophy). Maybe my mind is no longer interested in the subjects covered by this book. Or I am not as "intellectual" as I was. Or maybe the style annoyed me. But I did I don't know. Does this say more about me than the book? I haven't been able to finish this - it struck me as a set of pretentious truisms for the most part. Am I a Philistine or what? Well, I actually do have a degree in philosophy. Maybe I am a little too close to the subject to read about meta-philosophy (or the philosophy of philosophy). Maybe my mind is no longer interested in the subjects covered by this book. Or I am not as "intellectual" as I was. Or maybe the style annoyed me. But I didn't like this book and I got bored with it and couldn't finish it. Maybe some other time.

  6. 4 out of 5

    Amal Baqshy

    The greatest book to read if you want to know about history of philosophy, politics, humanity, and civilisation. Its a book that you will feel smarter when you are reading reading it. The book is rich with information; the kind if book that you are not supposed to read in bed. You have to befulky awake to enjoy the well composed sentences and paragraphs of Berlin's. I recommend this book for literature, philosophy, history, and political science students. The greatest book to read if you want to know about history of philosophy, politics, humanity, and civilisation. Its a book that you will feel smarter when you are reading reading it. The book is rich with information; the kind if book that you are not supposed to read in bed. You have to befulky awake to enjoy the well composed sentences and paragraphs of Berlin's. I recommend this book for literature, philosophy, history, and political science students.

  7. 5 out of 5

    Alberony Martínez

    Politologo e historiador, Isaiah Berlin, viene a ser un referente en la historia de las ideas, lo cual lo consideran una de las cumbres del pensamiento liberal. Con este texto magistral, recoge en nueve ensayos, la ideas que han gobernado la historia europea durante los últimos tres siglos. Con su sorprendente erudición y lucidez van desde la revolución romántica como una de las crisis fundamentales del pensamiento moderno, el marxismo y el socialismo en el marco de la industrialización y el desa Politologo e historiador, Isaiah Berlin, viene a ser un referente en la historia de las ideas, lo cual lo consideran una de las cumbres del pensamiento liberal. Con este texto magistral, recoge en nueve ensayos, la ideas que han gobernado la historia europea durante los últimos tres siglos. Con su sorprendente erudición y lucidez van desde la revolución romántica como una de las crisis fundamentales del pensamiento moderno, el marxismo y el socialismo en el marco de la industrialización y el desarrollo científico y tecnológico que llega a nuestros días. Defiende la importancia de la educación y la cultura y su básica necesidad adyacente de libertad de expresión. Muy en sintonía con la actualidad también, Berlin reflexiona sobre la filosofía y su papel capital en el desarrollo político, pues como asegura en el texto correspondiente: «La filosofía es el arma más segura y profiláctica, pues toda su historia es una advertencia contra la creencia de que hay preguntas permanentes y soluciones finales». El sentido de la realidad. El juicio político. Filosofía y represión gubernamental. El socialismo y las teorías socialistas. El marxismo y la Internacional en el siglo XIX. La revolución romántica: una crisis en la historia del pensamiento moderno. El compromiso artístico: un legado ruso. Kant como un origen desconocido del nacionalismo. Rabindranath Tagorey la conciencia de nacionalidad. Son cada uno de los temas del mismo. Excelente texto. os dejo en sus manos

  8. 5 out of 5

    Bill

    Sir Isaiah Berlin is one of my favorite authors. I have quite a few of his books. He writes about the history of ideas which covers a lot of territory. His knowledge of history, philosophy and literature is encyclopedic. In his obituary Henry Hardy wrote "he showed in more than one direction the unexpectedly large possibilities open to us at the top range of human potential". In other words he was a genius at what he did. I love to read his writing but I have to really study it because he gets o Sir Isaiah Berlin is one of my favorite authors. I have quite a few of his books. He writes about the history of ideas which covers a lot of territory. His knowledge of history, philosophy and literature is encyclopedic. In his obituary Henry Hardy wrote "he showed in more than one direction the unexpectedly large possibilities open to us at the top range of human potential". In other words he was a genius at what he did. I love to read his writing but I have to really study it because he gets over my head so quickly. It is work but it is worth it. This book like several others by Berlin is a book of essays that was put together by Hardy. Berlin's essays contain more real content than most books and my copy of this book is full of underlining and margin notes done to get the most I can out of what he wrote. I have not studied anything this thoroughly since law school. At the same time his writing is so fluid and full of detail that I find reading it enriching and enjoyable. The essays are all on different topics. Several discuss aspects of topics that appear often in Berlin's writing. The title essay discusses the limitations on what can be learned in the study of history. He wrote a short interesting book called The Hedgehog and the Fox about Tolstoy's philosophy of history from War and Peace. Berlin's "sense of reality" is what governs what we can and can't know about history. He concludes that the limited knowledge of the facts of history restricts the ability to make broad conclusions about trends in history. The essay starts out using Stalin and Hitler as examples of the fallacy of the idea that there is some type of human progress in history. Berlin challenges the validity of "systems of history" such as those of Hegel or Marx. There are simply too many variables in the facts of the past to be able to know them much less explain them. Marx may have had some good insights but when his ideas were supposedly put into practice the results he predicted did not come about. That is an incredibly simplistic explanation of one of the ideas in the essay. Much of Berlin's writing focuses on the effect of the Romantic movement on Western thought. He considers the Romantic Revolution to be the third great turning point in European thought and behavior. Romanticism was a movement that brought about the destruction of the notion of truth and validity in ethics and politics and changed our outlook on the world. Prior to Romanticism one of the central tenets of Western thought was that for every question there is one correct answer, even if we don't know what it is right now. The Romantic movement introduced the concept that some questions have no answer and there could be two conflicting answers to the same question. I have been reading on a book by Berlin titled The Romantic Revolution. The revolution started with the writings of Rousseau and Kant. Their ideas on individual free choice led others to develop the concept that the greatest act of the individual is the creation of something out of nothing. If the individual really has free choice they are not limited by any objective factors. One individual's choice may be contrary to that of someone else and be equally valid. Motive replaces consequence as the highest value of morality. A person could be admired for their sincerity even if you disagree with their ideas. A good example was the praise by the Governor of Virginia for John Brown's sincerity and commitment. That same Governor was happy to see Brown hang for murder and inciting a slave revolt. This revolution created another imperative that governs our actions. However low we rate the morality of Napoleon we admire his accomplishments and consider him a great man. Now we go back and forth from one ideal to the other in our judgment of what is good or right. This creates a logically unsatisfactory but enriched capacity for understanding men and societies. One of my favorite essays is about the Marx and the First International. The First International was where the international socialist movement began in London in 1864. Berlin wrote an excellent biography on Marx which I have read and enjoyed. Berlin shows step by step how Marx created an ideology that became the weapon for the working class in their struggle against the capitalist exploiter. Later in the 19th century socialism dissipated into a movement that became one more voice in the political equilibrium that governs society. It helped to create a better world for the working class that lessened their misery and in most countries eliminated the need for the revolution Marx predicted. In the countries like Russia or China where revolutions took place there were no great masses of working people. The great masses of workers formed political parties and developed faith in gradualist methods. Now members of the socialist trade unions sit on the board of directors of corporations instead of fighting at the barricades. Marx used his great insights into industrial society to predict a world that never came to pass. His great theory of history ran aground on the numerous variables in the facts of human life and society. In an essay on nationalism Berlin writes "a craving for recognition has grown to be more powerful than any other force today." My first thought was that this idea is applicable to the individual as well as society. What else but a craving for recognition motivated Jared. L. Lougher to shoot 19 people on January 8, 2011 or inspires people to become contestants on "American Idol". In Berlin's essay he talks about how this idea motivates the struggle of small nations and minorities all over the world. I am always amazed by Berlin's ability to encapsulate in a few words an insight that has such a wide application. There are a total of nine essays in the book. Every word in his writing has a purpose and you must read the book for yourself and develop your own conclusions. To say the book is excellent is damning with faint praise. Reading one of these essays was like attending a lecture given by a very wise man speaking to me in an engaging personal manner. Explaining in clear direct language some knowledge he had gained that he wanted to pass on. I am sure I would have come out of the lecture with a smile on my face basking in the moment.

  9. 5 out of 5

    Stephane Martineau

    Ok

  10. 4 out of 5

    Gavin

    A concise, open and invaluable summary of the history of ideas as a subject. A precise and easy to read account of someof Berlin's central thoughts without becomming to internalised, academic or stuffy. A joy! A concise, open and invaluable summary of the history of ideas as a subject. A precise and easy to read account of someof Berlin's central thoughts without becomming to internalised, academic or stuffy. A joy!

  11. 5 out of 5

    Christopher

    These essays are as poignant and topical as ever, notwithstanding the titular focus of a couple of them on Marxism, or the fact that they were mostly composed a half-century ago. Worth a read for anyone who cares about how our modern public life is informed by the history of ideas.

  12. 5 out of 5

    Jaime

    I am a history buff and was a bit overwhelmed by the thought of reading essays. But, Mr. Berlin's writing style, breadth of knowledge and insight made this a wonderful historical ideology a pleasure to read. I am a history buff and was a bit overwhelmed by the thought of reading essays. But, Mr. Berlin's writing style, breadth of knowledge and insight made this a wonderful historical ideology a pleasure to read.

  13. 5 out of 5

    Piggyogre

    “不存在什么先验的理由可以认为,当我们发现真理的时候,它会是有趣的、激扬的或统一的。”伯林总是让人读得身心舒畅。

  14. 5 out of 5

    Iris AE

    Highly thoughtful essays that help understand political and social reality. Brilliantly written, even lay people can understand what he says.

  15. 4 out of 5

    Carla

  16. 5 out of 5

    Bismarck Izquierdo

  17. 4 out of 5

    Smuel Mackereth

  18. 5 out of 5

    Ina Cawl

  19. 4 out of 5

    Alexandra Lebedeva

  20. 4 out of 5

    Rynet

  21. 5 out of 5

    Peque

  22. 4 out of 5

    Joshua White

  23. 4 out of 5

    Rufus

  24. 4 out of 5

    Omar Fakhry

  25. 4 out of 5

    Karla

  26. 5 out of 5

    Zhengdong

  27. 5 out of 5

    Nathan

  28. 4 out of 5

    Daniel

  29. 4 out of 5

    Francisco Saenz

  30. 4 out of 5

    Bambino

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