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The relationship between economic and political thinking has reached a crisis at the end of the 20th century. Already at the beginning of this century, in "Roman Catholicism and Political Form," Carl Schmitt juxtaposed a juridical interpretation of religion oriented to the political sphere to Max Weber's sociological interpretation oriented to the economic sphere in "The P The relationship between economic and political thinking has reached a crisis at the end of the 20th century. Already at the beginning of this century, in "Roman Catholicism and Political Form," Carl Schmitt juxtaposed a juridical interpretation of religion oriented to the political sphere to Max Weber's sociological interpretation oriented to the economic sphere in "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism." According to G. L. Ulmen, translator of "Roman Catholicism and Political Formjus publicum Europaeum" and the Eurocentric epoch of world history began to decline. Asserting that all significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts, Schmitt felt the need to address the question of what political form might replace the state. It was in this context that he wrote "Roman Catholicism and Political Form," which presupposes an affinity not only between the Church and the state, but between Catholicism and political thinking. Once the state began to lose its monopoly of politics and, thereby, its legitimacy, Schmitt looked to the other side of the occidental equation--the Catholic Church--in search of a new form of the political. His argument proceeds from the assumption that there is a structural identity between the metaphysical image of the world a particular age creates and the form of a political organization.


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The relationship between economic and political thinking has reached a crisis at the end of the 20th century. Already at the beginning of this century, in "Roman Catholicism and Political Form," Carl Schmitt juxtaposed a juridical interpretation of religion oriented to the political sphere to Max Weber's sociological interpretation oriented to the economic sphere in "The P The relationship between economic and political thinking has reached a crisis at the end of the 20th century. Already at the beginning of this century, in "Roman Catholicism and Political Form," Carl Schmitt juxtaposed a juridical interpretation of religion oriented to the political sphere to Max Weber's sociological interpretation oriented to the economic sphere in "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism." According to G. L. Ulmen, translator of "Roman Catholicism and Political Formjus publicum Europaeum" and the Eurocentric epoch of world history began to decline. Asserting that all significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts, Schmitt felt the need to address the question of what political form might replace the state. It was in this context that he wrote "Roman Catholicism and Political Form," which presupposes an affinity not only between the Church and the state, but between Catholicism and political thinking. Once the state began to lose its monopoly of politics and, thereby, its legitimacy, Schmitt looked to the other side of the occidental equation--the Catholic Church--in search of a new form of the political. His argument proceeds from the assumption that there is a structural identity between the metaphysical image of the world a particular age creates and the form of a political organization.

30 review for Roman Catholicism and Political Form

  1. 5 out of 5

    Laurens van der Tang

    The main thesis of Carl Schmitts 1923 pamphlet "Römischer Katholizismus und politische Form" is that political catholicism in essence is "einer spezifisch formalen Überlegenheit über die Materie des menschlichen Lebens, wie sie bisher kein Imperium gekannt hat" (p. 14). This formal prevalence is grounded in a strict application of the principle of (personal) representation, in consequence of which the catholic Church is political in an eminent sense (p. 27). Because of this, it is superior to th The main thesis of Carl Schmitts 1923 pamphlet "Römischer Katholizismus und politische Form" is that political catholicism in essence is "einer spezifisch formalen Überlegenheit über die Materie des menschlichen Lebens, wie sie bisher kein Imperium gekannt hat" (p. 14). This formal prevalence is grounded in a strict application of the principle of (personal) representation, in consequence of which the catholic Church is political in an eminent sense (p. 27). Because of this, it is superior to the dominating ideologies of our time (capitalism, socialism, communism), which are subject to the laws of economic rationalism. The difference in opinion between Schmitt and me is not political: He laments the exploitation of the earth by industrialism, and the ascent of ideologies which are antithetical to everything I stand for. Although many evaluations are still very hypothetical and dubious, the root difference is theological. You could call it an ecclesiological difference. To Schmitt, the Church is a political body, representing Christ in earthly glory and power (see p. 36, 53). To me, this is a view which devaluates the Church, a 'holy assembly of true Christ-believers' (Belgic Confession 27), "made perfect in weakness". If the strength of the Church must be looked for in political power, then it is unavoidable that it is subservient to the same laws of economic rationalism that have subjected earthly governments. Luckily, the strength of the Church is not measured by any human measure, but God puts these to shame by letting his people 'glory in their infirmities, so that the power of Christ may rest upon them.' (2 Corinthians 12.9, paraphrased). This fundamental difference also makes me doubtful about many other assumptions and implications of Schmitts rendition of political catholicism, such as his theory that catholics have an intrinsic connection to the earth, because they are mostly farming people (p. 17). I suggest that this is an internalization of certain anti-catholic prejudices present in early 20th-century Germany. My final evaluation is not altogether negative: there are some interesting ideas in this book, for example that a worldview can use all political forms and possibilities as in instrument for its own realization (it looks like he does not consistently apply this) and on the privatization of religion (which he turns naively on its head). I will continue by reading Die Tyrannei der Werte, which is hopefully better.

  2. 4 out of 5

    Liam

    "From the standpoint of a world-view, all political forms and possibilities become nothing more than tools for the realization of an idea. Some of what appears inconsistent is only the consequence and manifestation of a political universalism." (6) "No political system can survive even a generation with only naked techniques of holding power. To the political belongs the idea, beacuse there is no politics without authority and no authority without an ethos of belief." (17) "It is not surprizing th "From the standpoint of a world-view, all political forms and possibilities become nothing more than tools for the realization of an idea. Some of what appears inconsistent is only the consequence and manifestation of a political universalism." (6) "No political system can survive even a generation with only naked techniques of holding power. To the political belongs the idea, beacuse there is no politics without authority and no authority without an ethos of belief." (17) "It is not surprizing that the economic age first succumbs to beautiful externals, for it is most of all lacking in beauty." (22) "What continually provoked Bakunin was their [Marx and Engels'] intellectualism. They had too much of 'the idea,' too much 'grey matter.' The anarchist can onlu utter the word 'cervelle' [brain] with sibilant fury. Behind this word he rightly suspected the claim to authority, discipline, and hierarchy. To him, every type of cerebralism is hostile to life." (36)

  3. 5 out of 5

    Ruru Ghoshal

    *claps slowly*

  4. 5 out of 5

    book_explorer

    Interesting, well-written.

  5. 4 out of 5

    Ricardo Alves

    Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) é um autor de referência do pensamento contra-revolucionário, antiliberal e antidemocrático. Dizer só isto, aliás, é dizer pouco. Schmitt foi um nazi desde cedo; e apesar de algumas divergências, traduzidas em ataques de sectores do nacional-socialismo (em nazismo não se pode dizer "mais radicais"...), a verdade é que o autor leccionou na Universidade de Berlim entre 1933 e 1945 -- ou seja, em todo o período em que o führer e os seus sicários estiveram no poder. Este ens Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) é um autor de referência do pensamento contra-revolucionário, antiliberal e antidemocrático. Dizer só isto, aliás, é dizer pouco. Schmitt foi um nazi desde cedo; e apesar de algumas divergências, traduzidas em ataques de sectores do nacional-socialismo (em nazismo não se pode dizer "mais radicais"...), a verdade é que o autor leccionou na Universidade de Berlim entre 1933 e 1945 -- ou seja, em todo o período em que o führer e os seus sicários estiveram no poder. Este ensaio de 1925 pretende reagir ao ataque à Igreja Católica, que ele então denunciava, definindo-a como efectiva representação de Cristo no Mundo: «Ela representa a civitas humana, ela apresenta a cada instante a união histórica entre o devir humano e o sacrifício de Cristo na cruz, ela representa o próprio Cristo pessoalmente, o Deus que se tornou homem na realidade histórica. No representativo assenta a sua supremacia sobre uma época de pensar económico.» (p. 33) E, como seria de esperar, põe nos antípodas duma sociedade regida pela política e pelo direito (oh, ironia...), tanto capitalismo como bolchevismo, alegadamente pólos opostos duma mesma mundivisão: «O grande patrão não tem nenhum outro ideal senão o de Lenine: o de uma "terra electrificada".» (p. 28) Schmitt oferece, portanto, a referência de um elemento não racional -- a divindade representada pela Igreja Católica -- em oposição a um sistema que não o pode contemplar -- a perspectiva demo-liberal: de um lado, como de costume, os vectores deletérios: a "técnica" e a "economia"; do outro, o institucionalismo da política estribada no direito, com as dicotomias do costume: matéria-espírito, pragmatismo-idealismo, revolução-tradição. Da visão da Igreja como figuração de Deus, não posso deixar de extrapolar para uma ideia de Estado à imagem daquela, logo do "chefe" desse Estado como equiparado, senão ao próprio Deus, pelo menos soberano dessa mesma Igreja, o vigário do Deus. Daí ao endeusamento do chefe (do führer a haver), vai um pequeno passo. Interessante como leitura e exercício, é ideologicamente intragável.

  6. 4 out of 5

    pplofgod

    This is one of those books that I probably need to re-read. This was amazing. I can't put my finger on why though, it just is. It's late though, which is probably why this review is basically useless. This is one of those books that I probably need to re-read. This was amazing. I can't put my finger on why though, it just is. It's late though, which is probably why this review is basically useless.

  7. 5 out of 5

    Sara Miriam

  8. 5 out of 5

    Daniel Peres

  9. 5 out of 5

    Jackie

  10. 4 out of 5

    Lee

  11. 5 out of 5

    Jake

  12. 4 out of 5

    Hakase

  13. 4 out of 5

    Ohneschlaf

  14. 5 out of 5

    Owen Toepfer

  15. 5 out of 5

    Luke Echo

  16. 5 out of 5

    Seligmann

  17. 4 out of 5

    Pablo Preciado Pardinas

  18. 5 out of 5

    Alex

  19. 5 out of 5

    Bob

  20. 4 out of 5

    Pater Edmund

  21. 4 out of 5

    Jan Paul

  22. 5 out of 5

    KARLA MORENO

  23. 5 out of 5

    Jan Závorka

  24. 5 out of 5

    Eero

  25. 4 out of 5

    Pablo Nelson

  26. 5 out of 5

    Elena Attfield

  27. 5 out of 5

    Damniel

  28. 4 out of 5

    Gerrit G.

  29. 4 out of 5

    Grand

  30. 5 out of 5

    [辟邪]

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